Courtesy to the English publisher of the book, Green Books, for putting all the notes & references on line in order to make the many URL-recourses directly available. Thanks.



References and Notes with hyperlinks



1. See for instance Jem Bendell, contributing ed., Terms for Endearment: Business, NGOs and Sustainable Development (Sheffield, UK: Greenleave Publishing, 2000) and Simon Heap, NGOs Engaging with Business: A World of Difference and a Difference to the World (Oxford, UK: INTRAC, 2000).

2. Peter Sinton, ‘Crisis of Conscience: Corporations Are Finding Social Responsibility Boosts the Planet and the Bottom Line’, San Francisco Chronicle, Nov. 22, 2001, p. B-1, on the International Communications Consultancy Organization’s global summit of public relations advisers in San Francisco in November 2001.

3. For more information about NorWatch, see


Chapter 1: The Spread of Greenwash — Andy Rowell

1. Jed Greer and Kenny Bruno, Greenwash: The Reality Behind Corporate Environmentalism (New York: Third World Network/Apex Press, 1996).

2. Kenny Bruno, The Greenpeace Book of Greenwash (London: Greenpeace, 1992), p. 1.

3. Joyce Nelson, Sultans of Sleaze: Public Relations and the Media (Toronto: Between the Lines, 1989), pp. 130-1.

4. Frank Graham Jr, Since Silent Spring (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1970), p. 48.

5. E. Bruce Harrison, Going Green: How to Communicate Your Company’s Environmental Commitment (Homewood, IL: Business One Irwin, 1993), p. 4.

6. Advertisement for the Astra ECO4, ‘Eco Warrior’, The Guardian, Jan. 24, 2001.

7. See

8. Shell ad, The Financial Times, Nov. 14, 2000.

9. See Greenwash Award, Shell, ‘Clouding the Issue’.

10. Rowell, Green Backlash, p. 86. For an in-depth read on how the oil industry scuppered the climate negotiations, see Jeremy Leggett, The Carbon War (Middlesex, England: The Penguin Group, 1999),

11. Editorial, World Oil, May 1992; editorial, World Oil, September 1992.

12. Editorial, The Oil and Gas Journal, July 29, 1996; William O’Keefe, ‘In Defence of Skepticism: Challenging the Political View of Climate Change’, remarks to the Economic Club of Detroit, Nov. 18, 1996.

13. John Browne, ‘Addressing Global Climate Change’, speech at Stanford University, Stanford, California, May 19, 1997.

14. Greenpeace, ‘A Decade of Dirty Tricks: ExxonMobil’s Attempts to Stop The World Tackling Climate Change’, July 2001.

15. See, especially;; and

16. Quoted in Danny Kennedy, ‘Papua New Guinea Blues’, Multinational Monitor, Vol. 17, No. 3, March 1996,

17. WWF, An Assessment of Kikori Pacific Limited Financial Situation, internal report, 2000, p. 1; Jamie Resor and Douglas Salloum, A Treasury of Trees: Business and the Battle for the Forest, International Finance Corporation, Washington, 1999,

18. Danny Kennedy, interviewed by Alexandra de Blas for ‘Sustainable Forestry in PNG’, on Earthbeat, Radio National, Australia, Oct. 4, 1999.

19. See, especially;; and

20. Barbara Wyckoff-Baird, Report of the Review of the Kikori Integrated Conservation and Development Project, WWF, Dec. 20, 1997.

21. WWF, An Assessment of Kikori Pacific Limited Financial Situation, internal report, 2000, p. 5.

22. Ibid., p. 3;

23. Resor and Salloum.

24. See WWF’s US website,, and Resor and Salloum.

25. WWF, An Assessment of Kikori Pacific Limited Financial Situation, pp. 1, 5.

26. Ibid., pp. 5, 19.

27. Broadcast on Channel 4 News, UK, Feb. 22, 2001.

28. Philip Cornford, ‘A Timely Move Upstream, The Sydney Morning Herald, March 2, 2001, p. 11.

29. Danny Kennedy, letter to The Sydney Morning Herald, March 2001.


Chapter 2: bp: Beyond Petroleum?
by Sharon Beder


1. William Maclean, ‘BP Goes Greener with ‘Beyond Petroleum’ Rebrand’, Planet Ark, July 25, 2000.

2. Brian Hale, ‘BP Goes Green, Solar, Connected’, The Sydney Morning Herald, July 26, 2000, pp. 25-6.

3. Kruti Trivedi, ‘BP Amoco Wants to Sell More Than Gas at Its New Stations’, The New York Times, July 25, 2000 (

4. Andrew McKenzie and John Macleay, ‘Sun Rises on Greener BP’, The Australian, July 26, 2000, p. 1.

5. Quoted in Philip Rawstorne, ‘BP Puts On New ‘Public Face’ to Meet Challenges of the 1990s’, The Oil Daily, Feb. 6, 1989, p. 5.

6. Jolyon Jenkins, ‘Who’s the Greenest?’ New Statesman and Society, Aug. 17, 1990, pp. 18-20.

7. Julie Gozan, ‘BP: A Legacy of Apartheid, Pollution and Exploitation’, Multinational Monitor, Vol. 13, No. 11, November 1992, pp. 26-30.

8. Ernest A. Lowe and Robert J. Harris, ‘Taking Climate Change Seriously: British Petroleum’s Business Strategy’, Corporate Environmental Strategy, Winter 1998 (

9. ‘BP at War: Colombia’, The Economist, July 19, 1997, pp. 32-4.

10. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, ‘Colombia Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1997’, Department of State, 1998; Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, ‘Colombia Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1998’, Department of State, 1999 (both at

11. ‘Colombia: BP’s Secret Soldiers’, World In Action, ITV, UK, June 30, 1997 (text at’s_Secret_Soldiers.txt).

12. Cited in ‘Oil Companies Buying Up Colombian Army to Fight Pipeline Violence’, Drillbits & Tailings, September 1996, p. 2; Human Rights Committee, ‘Colombia’, Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, 1997


13. ‘Colombia: BP’s Secret Soldiers.’

14. Michael Sean Gillard and Melissa Jones, ‘BP’s Secret Soldiers’, Weekly Mail & Guardian, July 4, 1997 (

15. ‘Colombia: BP’s Secret Soldiers.’

16. ‘BP at War: Colombia’, pp. 32-34.

17. Quoted in Polly Ghazi and Ian Hargreaves, ‘BP’s Chief Executive is Making the Running on Green Strategy’, New Statesman, July 4, 1997, pp. 34-7.

18. ‘Colombia: How Green is Your Petrol?’; Athan Manuel, ‘Green Words, Dirty Deeds: A PIRG Exposé of BP Amoco’s Greenwashing’, US Public Interest Research Group (PIRG) Education Fund, 1999; ‘Colombian Government Report Accuses BP of Involvement in Environmental and Human Rights Abuses’, Drillbits & Tailings, Nov. 7, 1996, p. 4.

19. Amnesty International, ‘Colombia: British Petroleum Risks Fuelling Human Rights Crisis Through Military Training’, Amnesty International, 1997 (

20. ‘Colombia: BP’s Secret Soldiers.’

21. ‘Colombia: The Role of BP’, Blowout Magazine, January 1998.

22. Human Rights Watch, ‘Special Issues and Campaigns: Corporations and Human Rights’, 1999 (

23. Ghazi and Hargreaves, pp. 34-7; ‘Colombia: BP’s Secret Soldiers’; Peter Eisen, ‘Group Pressures Oxy, BP on Human Rights’, The Oil Daily, April 22, 1998.

24. ‘BP at War: Colombia’, pp. 32-4; Human Rights Committee.

25. ‘Colombia: BP’s Secret Soldiers.’

26. Quoted in Ghazi and Hargreaves, pp. 34-7.

27. Human Rights Watch.

28. Gozan, pp. 26-30.

29. Peter Sutherland, ‘Amnesty International Event’, 1997 speech (

30. Richard Newton, ‘Business and Human Rights’, 1997 speech (

31. John Browne, ‘The Case for Social Responsibility’, 1998 speech (

32. ‘BP’s Submission to the UK House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee’, BP, 2000 (

33. James Bamberg, The History of the British Petroleum Company, Vol. 2: The Anglo-Iranian Years, 1928-1954 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994); James Bamberg, British Petroleum and Global Oil 1950-1975, Volume 3: The Challenge of Nationalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000).

34. ‘BP to Pay Damages in California Spill’, Oil and Gas Journal, Feb. 13, 1995, p. 32; Manuel, pp. 11-12; ‘Salvage Will Show Toll from Tanker Spill’, Business Insurance, July 29, 1991, p. 45; Gozan, pp. 26-30; ‘European Plants Dwarf US in Toxics’, Chemical Marketing Reporter, Aug. 3, 1992, p. 5.

35. Gozan, pp. 26-30.

36. Manuel, p. 11.

37. Ibid., p. 7.

38. Russell Mokhiber and Robert Weissman, ‘Enemies of the Future: The Ten Worst Corporations of 2000’, Multinational Monitor, December 2000, p. 12.

39. David Rice, ‘Corporate Responsibility in the Marketplace’, 1999 speech (

40. E.J.P. Browne, ‘Energy Companies and the Environment Can Coexist’, USA Today, Vol. 127, No. 2640, Sept. 1, 1998, pp. 54-56.

41. Kenny Bruno, ‘Summer Greenwash Award: BP Amoco’s ‘Plug in the Sun’ Program’, Corporate Watch, 1999 (

42. Manuel, p. 8.

43. Quoted in Manuel, p. 11; Danielle Knight, ‘USA: Mixed Reaction to Oil Co’s Earth Day Award’, Corporate Watch (, 1999.

44. Gozan, pp. 26-30.

45. ‘Wash ‘n’ dough’, SchNews, Sept. 22, 2000; SANE BP, ‘The Resolution’, 2000 (

46. Energy Stewardship Alliance, ‘Energy Stewardship Alliance Formed; National Support for ANWR Exploration Grows’, PR Newswire, March 21, 2000 (; Bob Costantini, ‘Where The Caribou Roam: The Arctic Oil Debate Heats Up’,, March 2001 (; The Center for Responsive Politics, ‘Herrera, Roger Charles’, 1997 (

47. Greenpeace, ‘We Laughed! We Cried! But Mostly We Cried!’ April 22, 1999 (

48. Natalie Noor-Drugan, ‘BP Amoco reverts to bp, launches massive brand campaign’, Chemical Week, Vol. 162, Aug. 2, 2000, p. 16; ‘BP Amoco unveils new global brand to drive growth’, BP Press Release, July 24, 2000; Advertising Age, Sept. 18, 2000, and Campaign, Oct. 13, 2000.


Chapter 3: Dialogue: Divide and Rule
by Andy Rowell

1. E. Bruce Harrison, Going Green: How to Communicate Your Company’s Environmental Commitment (Homewood, IL: Business One Irwin, 1993), p. 123.

2. ‘MDB’s Divide-and-Conquer Strategy to Defeat Activists’, PR Watch, Vol. 1, No. 1, October/December 1993, p. 5.

3. John Elkington, ‘The Triple Bottom Line for 21st Century Business’, presentation at Greenpeace’s ‘Brent Spar . . . and After’ conference, London, Sept. 25, 1996.

4. Jonathan Bray, lecture at the Institute of Petroleum, London, Sept. 23, 1997.

5. Acción Ecológica, Oilwatch, Quito, 1996, p. 17; Rainforest Action Network, Action Alert, Jan. 27, 1997.

6. Project Underground and Rainforest Action Network, Human Rights and Environmental Operations Information on the Royal Dutch/Shell Group of Companies, independent annual report, April 1997; letter to the Body Shop from M. Jones, Shell Peru’s manager for health, safety and environment, Feb. 13, 1997; Shell Prospecting and Development (Peru) (1996), Camisea Gas: A Background Briefing, Jan. 30, 1996.

7. Business and Environment Consultancy, Camisea Dialogue—Stakeholder Workshops, 1997.

8. Quoted in Wolfgang Mai, Reflections After the Camisea Project Workshop, Brot für die Welt, Dec. 22, 1997, p. 1.

9. Mai, Reflections After the Camisea Project Workshop, p. 3.

10. Bob Burton, ‘Advice on Making Nice’, PR Watch, First Quarter 1999, p. 6.

11. Shell, ‘Shell and Mobil Unable to Proceed with Camisea Project’, press release, July 16, 1998.

12. Burton, ‘Advice on Making Nice’, p. 6.

13. Shell, Profits and Principles—Does There Have To Be a Choice? 1998, p. 1.

14. Shell, Profits and Principles, p. 16; Michael Birnbaum, Nigeria: Fundamental Rights Denied: Report of the Trial of Ken Saro-Wiwa and Others, Article 19 in Association with the Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales and the Law Society of England and Wales, June 1995, Appendix 10.

15. Shell, Profits and Principles, pp. 16, 34-35.

16. The Shell Transport and Trading Company, Summary Annual Report 1998, 1999, p. 27.

17. Browse the ‘Listening and Responding’ section at

18. The Big Issue South West, Oct. 30-Nov. 5, 2000.

19. Owens Wiwa and Andy Rowell, ‘Some Things Never Change’, The Guardian, Nov. 8, 2000, Society section, pp. 8-9.

20. Andy Rowell, ‘Shell Shocked: The True Cost of Petrol’, The Big Issue in Scotland, Nov. 23-29, 2000, pp. 24-25.

21. The Environment Council, BNFL National Stakeholder Dialogue, Waste Working Group, Interim Report, Feb. 28, 2000.

22. Peter Roche, communication with author, December 2000.

23. Sarah Burton, letter to the Environment Council regarding BNFL Stakeholder Dialogue, Nov. 20, 2000.

24. Simon Heap, Engaging with Business: A World of Difference and a Difference to the World (Oxford: Intrac, 2000), pp. 27-28.

25. PARTiZANS, Parting Company: The Newsletter of People Against RTZ, Autumn 1998, p. 1.

26. Heap, Engaging with Business, p. 30.

27. Andy Rowell, ‘Greenwash Goes Legit’, The Guardian, July 21, 1999, p. 5.

28. Andy Rowell, ‘GM Food on Trial’, The Big Issue South West, Nov. 22-28, 1999, pp. 6-7.

29. Ibid.

30. Ibid.

31. Andy Rowell, ‘Monsanto Talks in Crisis’, The Big Issue South West, Jan. 17-23, 2000, pp. 4-5.

32. Ibid.

33. Ibid.

34. Suzannah Lansdell of the Environment Council, in a letter regarding a possible National Agricultural Biotechnology Stakeholder Dialogue, July 14, 2000.

35. Rowell, ‘Monsanto Talks in Crisis’, pp. 4-5.

36. Clare Devereux, communication with author, December 2000.

37. Martin Livermore, letter to NFWI, April 28, 2000; Andy Rowell, ‘Sowing Seeds of Doubt’, The Guardian, August 2, 2000, Society section, p. 9.

38. Rowell, ‘GM Food on Trial’, pp. 6-7.

39. Heap, Engaging with Business, pp. 15, 23, 260.

40. Greg Muttitt, notes on ‘Finding Common Ground’ conference, June 30, 2000.

41. Mark Dowie, Losing Ground: American Environmentalism at the Close of the Twentieth Century (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1995), pp. 106-107.

42. Ibid., p. 116.

43. See

44. Ibid.

45. Alex Carey, Taking the Risk Out of Democracy: Propaganda in the US and Australia (Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 1995).


Chapter 4: The Sponsorship Scam
by Jessica Wilson

1. Robin Taylor, letter to the editor, Sunday Star Times, Oct. 15, 2000, p. A12.

2. Guyon Espiner, ‘WWF and Shell strengthen their relationship’, Sunday Star Times, Oct. 8, 2000, p. A6.

3. Guyon Espiner, ‘WWF has links with oil company’, Sunday Star Times, Oct. 8, 2000, p. A1.

4. Guyon Espiner, ‘WWF endorsed Shell’s PR manager: Further links between environmental groups and oil company revealed’, Sunday Star Times, Oct. 22, 2000, p. A4.

5. Alex Molnar, ‘Colonizing Our Future: The Commercial Transformation of America’s Schools’, article adapted from the John Dewey Memorial Lecture delivered by the author at the Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development Conference in New Orleans, March 25, 2000, at CERU Research & Writing at

6. Consumers Union, Captive Kids: A report on commercial pressures on kids at school,

7. John F. Borowski, ‘Targeting Children: Industry’s Campaign to Redefine Environmental Education’, PR Watch, Vol. 7, No. 2., Second Quarter 2000, p. 2.

8. Borowski, p. 2.

9. ‘Milwaukee Center for the Analysis of Commercialism in Education releases third annual report on schoolhouse commercialism’, press release, Sept. 14, 2000.

10. Alex Molnar quoted in Derrick Jensen, ‘Invasion of the Classroom: How Corporations Buy Access to Children: An Interview with Alex Molnar’, The Sun, November 2000, pp. 9-13, (

11. Advertisement in Starters & Strategies, No. 45, February 2001, p. 10.

12. See

13. Interview with Barry Weeber, Sept. 19, 2000.

14. Schoolresources at Education at

15. See ‘The Greenshell Mussel Story’,

16. See

17. Agreement between World Wide Fund for Nature-New Zealand and Shell New Zealand Limited dated Jan. 1, 1999.

18. Shell New Zealand, Year in Review: 1999, 1999, p. 9.

19. Ibid., p. 4.

20. Interview with Aimee Driscoll, Aug. 23, 2000.

21. Espiner, ‘WWF has links with oil company.’

22. Quoted in Espiner, ‘WWF has links with oil company.’

23. Espiner, ‘WWF endorsed Shell’s PR manager’, p. A4.

24. Quoted in Espiner, ‘WWF and Shell strengthen their relationship’, p. A6.

25. Interview on The Kim Hill Show, National Radio, New Zealand, Oct. 9, 2000.

26. WWF-NZ, ‘The Southern Right Whale Research Expedition: Review of June and November Reports to WWF-NZ’, internal paper, November 1998.

27. Bob Burton, ‘WWF Signs $1.2M Partnership with Rio Tinto’, Mining Monitor, March 2000,

28. Jason Nisse and Louise Jury, ‘Greenpeace gets in bed with its foes’, The Independent, Oct. 15, 2000,

29. Quoted in Guyon Espiner, ‘Fears over business links: Environmentalists concerned about pressure from sponsors’, Sunday Star Times, Oct. 8, 2000, p. A6.

30. Quoted in Bob Burton,

31. Quoted in Espiner, ‘WWF endorsed Shell’s PR manager’, p. A4.

32. Interview with Cath Wallace, Nov. 13, 2000.

33. Quoted in Espiner, ‘WWF endorsed Shell’s PR manager’, p. A4.

34. Quoted in Espiner, ‘WWF and Shell strengthen their relationship’, p. A6.

35. ‘Fundraising from Shell for the Suluwesi Sea Ecoregion—URGENT’, WWF internal email message, May 3, 2000.

Chapter 6: Krafting a Smokescreen
by Kathryn Mulvey

1. ‘Humphrey Achieves Historic $6.1 Billion Settlement of Tobacco Lawsuit with Ironclad Ban Against Marketing to Children’, press release from the Office of the Attorney General for the State of Minnesota, May 8, 1998.

2. The Philip Morris Internal Documents can be found at Searching this site can be difficult: it is slow and crashes often, and the slightest change in search terms can dramatically change the results. For the most reliable results, it is necessary to type in the search terms in capital letters, use quotes on terms that are more than one word long, and be as specific as possible.

3. ‘Infact Initial Research’, Philip Morris internal document # 2047904454, June 29, 1993.

4. Subrata N. Chakravarty and Neal Santelmann, ‘Philip Morris is Still Hungry’, Forbes, April 2, 1990, p. 96; Nikhil Deogun, Gordon Fairclough and Shelly Branch, ‘Philip Morris Agrees to Acquire Nabisco’, The Wall Street Journal, June 26, 2000. Nabisco was formerly partnered with R.J. Reynolds as RJR Nabisco.

5. Larry White, Merchants of Death: The American Tobacco Industry (New York: Beech Tree Books, William Morrow, 1988), p. 208.

6. Philip Morris Companies, Inc. 1999 Annual Report, p. 1; Philip Morris Companies, Inc. 1992 Annual Report, p. 30.

7. Ruth Marcus and Ceci Connolly, ‘Tobacco Money Still Filters Into Campaigns’, The Washington Post, May 8, 1998, p. A1.

8. ‘Tobacco Company Strategies to Undermine Tobacco Control Activities at the World Health Organization’, Report by the Committee of Experts on Tobacco Industry Documents, July 2000.

9. Geoff Bible, ‘Corporate Affairs Conference/Action Plan’, Dec. 13, 1988, Philip Morris internal document #2021596422/6432.

10. ‘Campaign by Infact Against Tobacco Companies for 1994 Proxy Season’, Philip Morris internal document #2023652220, June 15, 1993.

11. ‘Infact Update’, Philip Morris internal document #2047904452/4453, Aug. 5, 1993.

12. ‘Infact Activists’, note for Darienne Dennis, Philip Morris internal document #2045994503, March 24, 1994.

13. ‘Infact Update’, memo from Darienne Dennis, Philip Morris internal document #2023437011, May 10, 1994.

14. ‘Infact Activists’, Philip Morris internal document #2045994503, March 24, 1994; ‘Infact’, Philip Morris internal document #2046007907, June 6, 1994.

15. ‘Campaign by Infact Against Tobacco Companies for 1994 Proxy Season’, Philip Morris internal document #2023652220, June 15, 1993.

16. ‘Critic Boycott: History and Strategic Recommendations’, Philip Morris internal document #2046019672, Aug. 1, 1994.

17. Produced and directed by AndersonGold Films.

18. ‘Infact Initial Research’, Philip Morris internal document #2047904454, June 29, 1993; John Stauber and Sheldon Rampton, Toxic Sludge Is Good For You (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 1995), p. 208.

19. ‘Boycott’, memo from Sheila Raviv and Roy Perkins to Barry Holt, Philip Morris internal document #2045994611, April 12, 1994.

20. ‘Infact—Issues Analysis’, Philip Morris internal document #2047904455, June 1993.

21. ‘Infact’, memo from Darienne Dennis to Wendy Burrell (Philip Morris International) and Richard Collins (Kraft General Foods International), Philip Morris internal document #2504093016, July 29, 1994.

22. ‘Discussion Paper: Critic Boycott: Scenarios and Proactive Program’, draft, Philip Morris internal document #2045994659/4671, Nov. 30, 1994.

23. ‘Boycott’, memo from Sheila Raviv and Roy Perkins to Barry Holt, Philip Morris internal document #2045994611, April 12, 1994.

24. ‘Critic Boycott: History and Strategic Recommendations’, draft #1, Philip Morris internal document #2046019672, Aug. 1, 1994.

25. ‘Critic Boycott: History and Strategic Recommendations’, draft #2, Philip Morris internal document #2046019733/9755, August 4, 1994.

26. The Proxy Resolutions Book, Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility, January 1995, p. 90.

27. Philip Morris memo from Darienne Dennis to Wendy Burrell (Philip Morris International) and Richard Collins (Kraft General Foods International), internal document #2504093016, July 29, 1994; ‘Infact Planning Meeting: June 2’, Philip Morris internal document #2023437010, May 10, 1994.

28. Amy Vinroot, ‘Infact’s Tobacco Campaign Targets Philip Morris, RJR Nabisco’s Joe Camel’, News for Investors, Investor Responsibility Resource Center, July/August 1994.

29. Infact communication with ICCR, autumn/fall 1994, and question by Michael Crosby of ICCR to Philip Morris CEO Geoffrey Bible at Philip Morris annual meeting, April 1995.

30. Reuters (online), June 3, 1997; ‘Build A Home America’, PR Central/Editorial Media and Marketing International,, 1996.

31. Infact, 1998 People’s Annual Report: Global Aggression: The Case for World Standards and Bold US Action Challenging Philip Morris and RJR Nabisco (New York: The Apex Press, 1998), p. 100.

32. ‘Top 100 Megabrands’, Advertising Age, July 17, 2000, p. s8; ‘Top 100 Megabrands’, Advertising Age, July 16, 2001, p. s6.

33. Judann Pollack, ‘Kraft Uses Real-Life Footage for $50 Mil Creative Twist’, Advertising Age, June 15, 1998; ‘Superbrands ’98: America’s Top 2000 Brands’, Brandweek, Oct. 20, 1997, pp. 128-132.

34. ‘Top 100 Megabrands’, Advertising Age, July 16, 2001, p. s6.

35. ‘Philip Morris Companies: A National Opinion Survey—Topline Results’, conducted by the Wirthlin Group, January 1993, Philip Morris internal document #2031599541/9584; ‘Reasons Why People Change/Do Not Change Their Ratings of Philip Morris and Kraft After Discovering Their Relationship’, the Wirthlin Group, July 1993, Philip Morris internal document #2031599304/9347.

36. ‘Survey Rates Companies’ Reputations, and Many Are Found Wanting’, The Wall Street Journal, Feb. 7, 2001, p. 1B.

37. Harper’s, December 2000, p. 7.

38. Burson-Marsteller, ‘Consumer Boycott Participation: Public Attitudes and Contributing Factors’, Philip Morris internal document #2045994627, February 1991.

39. ‘Philip Morris: What It’s Like to Work at America’s Most Reviled Company’, Business Week, Nov. 29, 1999, p. 186; ‘Fantasy Jobs: So Where Do You Want to Work?’, Fortune, April 17, 2000.

40. Philip Morris Proxy Statement, March 10, 2000, pp. 10-11.

41. ‘Eckert to Craft Makeover for Troubled Toy Marketer’, Advertising Age, May 22, 2000, p. 6.

42. ‘Mattel Appoints Two New Members of Senior Management Team’, PRNewswire (, Nov. 1, 2000; Nicole Maestri, CBS MarketWatch (, Oct. 26, 2000, ‘Kellogg adds Keebler to its Pantry’.


Chapter 7: Joining Forces: Big Business Rallies after Seattle
by Olivier Hoedeman and Ann Doherty

1. The Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI) was a controversial investment treaty negotiated within the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) from 1995 to the end of 1998, when public outrage brought about its demise.

2. ‘Katz: Activists use internet to slow trade liberalization. US business leader sees free-trade threat’, Journal of Commerce, Oct. 12, 1998.

3. WTO critics see the institution as the defender of the kind of globalization one CEO defined as "the freedom for my group of companies to invest where it wants when it wants, to produce what it wants, to buy and sell where it wants, and support the fewest restrictions possible coming from labor laws and social conventions." Percy Barnevik, President of the ABB Industrial Group, quoted in ‘The Success of Being Dangerous: Resisting Free Trade & Investment Regimes’, Gerard Greenfield, ‘Research’ section at

4. ‘US Businesses See Ministerial As Setback for Trade Liberalization’, International Trade Reporter, Dec. 9, 1999.

5. PR Week, quoted in ‘PR Industry Kicks the WTO When It’s Down’, The Boston Phoenix, Dec. 23-30, 1999.

6. ‘Seattle setback not to hit trade liberalization’, Business Line, Dec. 11, 1999. The ICC is the dominant global business lobby organization, representing hundreds of large corporations, and is one of the fiercest proponents of trade and investment liberalization.

7. ‘Seattle Rattles Davos Man’, The Observer, Feb. 6, 2000.

8. Claus Smadja, ‘Time to Learn from Seattle’, Newsweek International, Jan. 17, 2000.

9. Quoted in ‘It’s the Society, Stupid’, Time, Jan. 31, 2000.

10. The theme of the Council on Foreign Relations’ Oct. 4, 1999, annual general meeting in Washington, DC, was ‘The Backlash Against Globalization.’

11. Its board includes former Secretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger and other right-wing heavyweights from politics, academia and business "unified by their support of free trade, open markets and an integrated world economy"—see ‘Trading on a Hot Topic’, The Washington Post, April 25, 2000. According to Cordell Hull Institute director Hugh Corbet, "the not-so-well-educated don’t understand and so this ignorance can be exploited by people who are wanting protection, special treatment, and it’s the job of leaders to resist (that) kind of thing." See ‘Spinning Free Trade: The Battle for Public Opinion’, from the radio programme Making Contact, July 5, 2000, transcript at National Radio Project, ‘Archive’ section at

12. ‘WTO Transparency’, email from Bruce Silverglade to the TACD Food Working Group, April 5, 2000.

13. This guide, and its cover letter dated Jan. 14, 2000, were leaked to activists and posted on the N30 anti-WTO mailing list.

14. Ibid.

15. From an article by Wes Pedersen, communications director of the Public Affairs Council in the PAC newsletter Impact, quoted in O’Dwyers Inside News of PR, Feb. 7, 2000.

16. Control Risk warns that "actions can range from nonviolent demonstrations and lobbying campaigns to the more violent attacks against property." ‘Security on the Internet’, Oil and Gas Journal, February 2000.

17. Ibid.

18. ‘PR Lessons from the Battle in Seattle: An introduction to how the internet has fundamentally changed PR’, ePublic Relations 101, Public Relations Management Ltd, December 1999.

19. Ibid.

20. Steve Lombardo, president and CEO of Strategy One, Edelman’s research arm, quoted in ‘Edelman Worldwide’s Survey Reveals the Consumer and Media to Be Key Elements in the War Between NGOs and Big Business’, PRNewswire, July 12, 2000.

21. Ibid.

22. While the bill was presented as a necessary part of preparation for China’s membership in the WTO, the annual renewal of Normal Trade Relations (NTR) was in fact no obstacle.

23. "‘Coming on the heels of the failure at Seattle, it would clearly signal that anti-globalization forces will dominate American foreign economic policy for the foreseeable future," Bergsten stressed. C. Fred Bergsten, ‘The Next Trade Policy Battle’, International Economics Policy Brief, January 2000.

24. ‘Spinning Free Trade’ —see ref. 11 above.

25. ‘Purchasing Power: The Corporate-White House Alliance to Pass the China Trade Bill Over the Will of the American People’, Public Citizen’s Global Trade Watch, October 2000.

26. Ibid., p. 24.

27. Ibid., p. 20.

28. ‘Spinning Free Trade’ —see ref. 11 above.

29. 73 Democrats and 164 Republicans voted for the bill.





34. At the conference ‘A Vision for Europe’s Trade Policy’, Brussels, May 29, 2000; see ‘Webnotes for Events’ in ‘Calendar’ section at

35. Financial Times journalist Guy de Jonquires, ‘The International Trade Agenda: Key Issues and Future Prospects for a New Round’, Second Annual APCO Europe, Herbert Smith, British Chamber of Commerce Trade Conference, Brussels, Feb. 22, 2000.

36. Plans made included commissioning a research project to provide case studies highlighting the ‘benefits’ of trade in services liberalization for developing countries. See the GATSwatch briefing paper ‘Liberalization of Trade in Services: Corporate Power at Work’, October 2001, As is common in Europe, the government has done most of the dirty work in confronting the coalition of NGOs and grassroot groups that oppose GATS, while the LOTIS Committee has taken a back seat.

37. ‘Nichtregieriungsorganisationen—Herausforderungen für die Wirtschaftsverbande’, BDI Aussenwirtschaftspolitik, Sept. 5, 2000.

38. Among its 200-plus members, the EPC has some 15 NGOs to strengthen its credibility, with WWF the most prominent. A closer look at its membership, funding and political direction reveals the EPC’s bias toward corporate interests. The fact that it has a WTO Forum group that runs closed, business-only briefings on how to respond to the backlash against neoliberal globalization speaks for itself. See

39. Stanley Crossick, EPC chairman, ‘Seattle: The Business Fall-Out’,, Dec. 23, 1999.

40. Agence Europe, Brussels, Dec. 21, 1999.

41. Michael Edwards, ‘Make the protesters accountable’, Financial Times, June 19, 2000. Edwards, director of the Ford Foundation, authored the report NGO Rights and Responsibilities: A New Deal for Global Governance, published by the Foreign Policy Center,

42. ‘Pressure groups warned on public scrutiny’, Financial Times, June 19, 2000.


44. Kendra Okonski, ‘Riots Inc.: The Business of Protesting Globalization’, The Wall Street Journal, Aug. 14, 2001. The IPN report was also covered on Radio Free Europe on Aug. 23, 2001. The IPN has had opinion pieces printed in the Financial Times, The Daily Telegraph and various other mainstream media outlets.

45. ‘Edelman Worldwide’s Survey Reveals the Consumer and Media to Be Key Elements in the War Between NGOs and Big Business’, PRNewswire, July 12, 2000.

46. Corporate Europe Observer, No. 4, July 1999,

47. Andre Driessen, VNO-NCW (Dutch Employers’ Federation) senior adviser on international affairs, at the conference ‘Finding Common Ground: Industry and NGOs in Dialogue and Partnership’, organized by GPC Market Access, Brussels, June 29, 2000.

48. ‘Global Guidance’, Inspiring the Future Pharaohs, June 2000.

49. ‘Tireless evangelist spreads the gospel of globalization’, The Times, April 21, 2000.

50. See ‘The case for globalization’ section at The ICC worried that "special interest groups (were) preparing mass protests and demonstrations to oppose the launch of a new trade round."

51. See ‘Campaign for a Corporate-Free UN’, Corporate Europe Observer, No. 7,

52. ‘ICC Steps Up Counter-Campaign Against Critics of Corporate-Led Globalization’, Corporate Europe Observer, No. 7.

53. Handelszeitung, Jan. 5, 2000.

54. C. Fred Bergsten, director of the Institute of International Economics, ‘The Backlash Against Globalization.’ See Bergsten warned that "all the momentum is with the anti-globalization forces" and predicted that the backlash could become much stronger, "especially when our economies begin to turn down."

55. Maria Livanos Cattaui, ‘What business should do to thwart the terrorists’, Sept. 18, 2001, ‘Archives’ section at

56. ‘The Future of the Global Trading System: Where to Form Here?’ speech, APEC CEO Summit, Oct. 20, 2001.

57. Dean R. O’Hare, CEO of Chubb Corporation and chairman of the US Coalition of Service Industries (CSI), ‘Achieving Services Trade Liberalization’, at the European Services Forum conference ‘The GATS 2000 Negotiations, New Opportunities for Trade Liberalization’, Brussels, Nov. 27, 2000. See


Chapter 8: Using Libel Laws to Silence Critics
by Franny Armstrong and Will Ross

1. Verdict of Justice Rodger Bell in McDonald’s Corporation & another vs. Steel & another, 1997, see ‘Judgement’ in ‘McLibel’ section at

2. Verdict, McDonald’s Corporation & another vs. Steel & another.

3. McDonald’s Restaurants Ltd., Employment Practices Policy Statement, April 1995, see ‘Company’ section at

4. McDonald’s Corp. website, ‘Commitment to the Environment’, as of May 2001, see

5. Extrapolated from 1995 figures as presented by McDonald’s to the court during McLibel Trial.

6. George W. Pring and Penelope Canan, Slapps: Getting Sued for Speaking Out (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1996).

7. Transnationals Information Center, Working for Big Mac, London, September 1987, reproduced in the ‘Media’ section at

8. Barlow, Lyde & Gilbert, Words Complained Of, June 24, 1994, a legal document produced by McDonald’s solicitors and presented to the court listing organizations that criticized McDonald’s and subsequently received letters from the corporation and/or its lawyers.

9. Letter to HRH the Duke of Edinburgh from George A. Cohen, president, McDonald’s Restaurants of Canada, June 6, 1983.

10. Letter to George A. Cohen, president, McDonald’s Restaurants of Canada, from HRH the Duke of Edinburgh, June 27, 1983.

11. Letter to Robin Hellier of the BBC Natural History Unit from McDonald’s solicitors, May 1, 1984, see ‘Company’ section at

12. Handwritten internal memo, McDonald’s Restaurants Ltd, 1983 (accidentally given to McLibel defendants by McDonald’s solicitors), which contains the following: "In the past 12 months . . . McK’s have purchased 4 consignments of meat from Brazil, each of 20 tons." McK’s is McKey Food Services, which provides all McDonald’s UK burger meat.

13. Apology broadcast on BBC Two, May 17, 1984.

14. Letter to C. Secrett, Friends of the Earth UK, from Annette Allen, public relations manager, McDonald’s Hamburgers Ltd, Nov. 20, 1985.

15. David Haith, Demo beefs over cattle, Bournemouth Advertiser, Oct. 12, 1989, see ‘Company’ section at

16. Verdict, McDonald’s Corporation & another vs. Steel & another.

17. Full court transcripts are in the ‘McLibel’ section at; for the witness statements see ‘Evidence’ in the ‘McLibel’ section at

18. McDonald’s Corp. invited Helen and Dave to three secret settlement meetings—two in 1994 and one in 1995—at which it offered to give a substantial sum to a charitable organization if Helen and Dave backed down and agreed never to hand out the leaflets again. The defendants demanded that McDonald’s agree never to sue anyone again and apologize to everyone it had sued in the past. No settlement was reached. A leaked McDonald’s Australia internal memo of 1992 urged staff not to comment on the trial: "We could worsen the controversy by adding our opinion. We want to keep it at arm’s length—not become guilty by association."

19. McLibel: Two Worlds Collide, 53-minute TV documentary, One-Off Productions, London, 1997,

20. John Vidal, McLibel: Burger Culture on Trial (London: Macmillan, 1997).


Chapter 9: McSpying
by Eveline Lubbers

1. Despite its worldwide dominance, McDonald’s is extremely sensitive about its reputation. It has fought legal battles across the world to stop people using and abusing its name, symbols and slogans (see Chapter 8, ‘Using Libel Laws to Silence Critics’). Yet while McDonald’s was busily suing (or threatening to sue) almost everyone who criticized it—from the BBC and The Guardian to student unions and green groups—it appeared to ignore the London Greenpeace campaign for some time. Instead, it threatened a Nottingham food co-operative called Veggies which was distributing the same leaflet. McDonald’s then made an agreement with Veggies to accept the circulation of the leaflet provided some minor amendments were made to a couple of sections. The company didn’t even complain about most of the leaflet. Veggies continued distributing it in bulk.

2. All quotes are taken from the court transcripts in the ‘McLibel’ section at

3. Originally it applied for these four to remain anonymous, but a legal challenge by the McLibel Two forced them into the open.

4. McLibel: Two Worlds Collide, 53-minute TV documentary, One-Off Productions, London, 1997; Interview with Frances Tiller in August 1996, at

5. Helen Steel, email interview, October 2000.

6. Jonathan Calvert and David Connett, ‘Cloaks, daggers and Ms X appeal’, The Observer, Jan. 26, 1997, reproduced in the ‘Media’ section at

7. The Economic League had 40 current Labour Members of Parliament on file, plus prominent trade unionists, journalists and thousands of shop-floor workers. After the group disbanded in 1994, former Director-General Stan Hardy continued to alert businesses to individuals and organizations he claimed were opposed to private enterprise through his family firm, Caprim Ltd. See David Hencke, ‘Left blacklist man joins euro fight’, The Guardian, Sept. 9, 2000, at

8. McLibel Support Campaign press release, Sept. 17, 1998.

9. Helen Steel, email interview. On the Poll Tax: the British government decided to implement a new Poll Tax on April 1, 1990, replacing a tax on households with one on individuals. It was immediately seen as a tax on the poor and an extension of government powers over the population. More than 250,000 people demonstrated in a call for mass resistance. A carnivalesque gathering turned into an hours-long battle with police that spread through the major commercial streets of central London. About 500 people were arrested, and police raided dozens of activists’ homes over the next few weeks. Detective Sergeant Valentine was working on this ‘Operation Carnaby’ when he agreed to meet with Clare to discuss his knowledge of London Greenpeace members, some of whom were active in the anti-Poll Tax movement.

By 1991, 18 million were refusing to pay the tax. Conservative Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher resigned, largely as a result of the damage to her credibility and strategy. A few days before an anniversary demo in March 1991, new Prime Minister John Major announced that the tax was uncollectable and would be scrapped.

10. McLibel Support Campaign press release, July 5, 2000.

11. Calvert and Connett, ‘Cloaks, daggers and Ms X appeal.’

12. British libel procedures are extremely complex and weighted against defendants. By law the party accused of libel must prove from primary sources that what he or she says is not libellous. In most other Western countries, the accusing party has to make clear why it feels libelled.

13. On June 19, 1997, Justice Bell took two hours to read his summary to a packed courtroom. In his view, Steel and Morris had not proved their allegations with respect to rainforest destruction, packaging, food poisoning, starvation in the Third World, heart disease, cancer and bad working conditions. But he ruled the defendants had shown that McDonald’s had exploited children with its advertising, falsely advertised its food as nutritious, risked the health of its long-term regular customers, been "culpably responsible" for cruelty to animals reared for its products and "strongly antipathetic" to unions, and paid its workers low wages. In March 1999 the Court of Appeal also found that it was fair comment to say McDonald’s employees "do badly in terms of pay and conditions" and true that "if one eats enough McDonald’s food, one’s diet may well become high in fat etc., with the very real risk of heart disease."

Note that ‘not proved’ does not mean the allegations against McDonald’s were not true, just that in the judge’s opinion Steel and Morris did not bring sufficient evidence. This was mostly based on the judge’s agreeing with McDonald’s interpretations of the exact meanings of the phrases in the leaflet. See ‘Judgement’ in the ‘McLibel’ section at


Chapter 11: Private Spooks: Wackenhut vs. Whistleblowers
by Sheila O’Donnell

1. Michael Sean Gillard, Melissa Jones and Andrew Rowell, ‘Oil pipeline disaster "imminent’’’ and ‘Safety versus the bottom line’, The Guardian, July 12, 1999 ( A new version of ‘Safety versus the bottom line’ updated as of June 2000 appeared in New Solutions: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy, October 2000, Vol. 10 (1-2), pp. 167-183, and also at

2. John Connolly, ‘Inside the Shadow CIA’, Spy, September 1992.

3. Alyeska Pipeline Service Company Covert Operation, Exhibit 17, Report of the Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs of the US House of Representatives, Part II, Appendix—Exhibits 1-83, 102nd Congress, Second Session, July 1992, p. 680.

4. Alyeska Pipeline Service Company Covert Operation, Draft Report of the Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs of the US House of Representatives, Part I, 102nd Congress, Second Session, July 1992.

5. Supplemental Statement of Ricki Sue Jacobson before the US House of Representatives Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs, House of Representatives, 102nd Congress, November 4, 5, and 6, 1991, serial no. 102-13, p. 307.

6. Valdez Vanguard, April 4, 1990.

7. ‘Alyeska Pipeline Service Company Covert Operation’, Draft Report of the Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs of the US House of Representatives, Part I, 102nd Congress, Second Session, July 1992.

8. Ibid.

9. Ibid.

10. Gillard, Jones and Rowell, ‘Oil pipeline disaster "imminent"’ and ‘Safety versus the bottom line.’

Chapter 12: Cyber-surveillance
by Eveline Lubbers

1. Peter Verhille of Entente International Communication, speech and report at ‘Putting the Pressure On’ conference, Brussels, July 1998.

2. Simon May, presentation at ‘Putting the Pressure On’. May left Shell at the beginning of 2000.

3. Ibid.

4. Ibid.

5. Email interview with Simon May, June 1998.

6. May, presentation at ‘Putting the Pressure On.’

7. Email interview with May, June 1998.

8. Figures are from the eWatch Factsheet at, August 2001. Also see

9. Sherri Deatherage Green, ‘Internet hoaxes’, Revolution: Business and Marketing in the Digital Economy, April 1, 2000 (see archives at

10. Marcia Stepanek, ‘Now, Companies Can Track Down Their Cyber-Critics’,, July 7, 2000.

11. Personal email from Marcia Stepanek, Nov. 14, 2000.

12. I was the target of a determined attempt at spin, but an unsuccessful one, since I had my facts straight. I knew the site had been up and running while Stepanek was writing her article, since I had written about it myself. Although the link to it had been removed from eWatch’s main page on July 18, 2000 (as I easily found by using Netscape’s Page Info feature), the Cybersleuth site was still up when I first contacted Aldrich; you just had to know the URL. I told her so, and within a day it vanished. It can now be viewed in the Pandora mailing list archive at

13. Email correspondence with Renu Aldrich, Nov. 8-14, 2000.

14. ‘Online monitoring goes beyond anonymous postings’, press release announcing the agreement between eWatch and ICG, PRNewswire, June 18, 2000.

15. Rebecca Buckman, ‘Gumshoe Game on the Internet—Companies Hire Private Eyes To Unmask Online Detractors’, The Wall Street Journal, July 27, 1999; Borzou Daragahi, ‘Private eyes who watch the Web’, Web Watch, July 11, 2000, at ICG chose not to reply to my repeated questions.

16. Roy Lipski, ‘Drowned Out: Rethinking Corporate Reputation Management for the Internet’ in Journal of Communication Management, December 2000. Also see, Library section.

17. Email correspondence with Roy Lipski, Nov. 21, 2000.

18. The document, ‘NGO Strategy’ (a presentation by Andrew Baynes, project manager at Sony International (Europe), July 12, 2000, Brussels), can be found at For more on the European Information and Communication Technology Industry Association see See also ‘Industry goes on global offensive against toxics activists: Targeting funding, Internet activities’, Inside EPA Weekly Report, Vol. 21, No. 37, Sept. 15, 2000, and Danielle Knight, ‘Electronics Giant Tracks Environmental Organizations’, Inter Press Service (, Sept. 15, 2000.

19. ‘NGO Strategy.’

20. Ibid.

21. Email correspondence with Roy Lipski, Feb. 5, 2001; also see Stephanie Gruner, ‘He’s Not Sam Spade, But Web Detective Digs His Work’, The Wall Street Journal, Jan. 17, 2001, and Burhan Wazir, ‘Eating the greens: Electronics giants such as Sony are using the internet to hit back at troublesome eco-warriors’, The Observer, Oct. 1, 2000.

22. Private email correspondence with Stephanie Gruner, Jan. 29, 2001.

23. Sony met a delegation from the Clean Computer Campaign in Brussels on Oct. 30, 2000, according to personal email from Iza Kruszewska, Feb. 2, 2001.

24. See Greenpeace does not keep statistics connecting visitors to specific pages.

25. Infonic appeared on the list from Dec. 19, 1999, to July 16, 2000. It was not until early January 2001 that it appeared there again—for three solid months.

26. Knight, ‘Electronics Giant Tracks Environmental Organizations.’

27. Northwest employees had accepted pay cuts in 1993 to help keep the airline out of bankruptcy and had been working without a contract since 1997. Flight attendants claimed that their pay therefore lagged dramatically behind the industry standard. Northwest and the flight attendants’ union, Teamsters Local 2000, entered contract negotiations in late 1998; they reached a stalemate on Dec. 7, 1998.

28. Background information on the Northwest sickout case was taken from ‘Case Study: Northwest Airlines’ in the Online Library of Sources at the Digital Discovery Project, Berkman Center, Harvard Law School,

29. The website, at, provides detailed scientific and general documentation on the possible toxicity of NutraSweet, Equal, Diet Coke, Diet Pepsi, and other items containing aspartame, including real-life reports of acute and chronic toxicity after long-term ingestion.

30. DeAnne DeWitt, ‘Corporate Stalking’, Citizen Engineer, July 18, 2000 (see column archive at This column inspired this chapter’s conclusions.


Chapter 13: Corporate Intelligence
by Eveline Lubbers

1. Stephen Overell, ‘Masters of the great game turn to business’, Financial Times, March 22, 2000, at

2. Michael Maclay, ‘Recruiting Political Scientists’, presentation at Academia Meets Business conference, Leiden, the Netherlands, July 2-3, 1999 (

3. Maurice Chittenden and Nicholas Rufford, ‘MI6 ‘firm’ spied on green groups’, The Sunday Times, June 17, 2001. His hidden agenda may have been to find out who was behind violent attacks on petrol stations following a boycott in Germany. Mike Hogan, Shell UK head of media relations, claimed in a personal phone call in July 2001 that this was what they had hired Hakluyt for. But there are no reports of Schlickenrieder approaching more radical groups, nor hinting at such subjects, from people he did speak to.

4. Otto Diederichs and Holger Stark, ‘Greenpeace, Das Auge der Multis’, Die Tageszeitung, Dec. 10, 2000.

5. See ‘About Us’ section at

6. Evidence that Schlickenrieder researched Rio Tinto is unpublished and is in the hands of members of Revolutionaire Aufbau, which exposed him.

7. Thomas Scheuer, ‘Enttarnung im Internet’, Focus, Feb. 12, 2001 (, and personal conversation with Otto Diederichs.

8. Chittenden and Rufford, ‘MI6 ‘firm’ spied on green groups’.

9. ‘Business Intelligence Notes: UK’, Intelligence Newsletter, No. 364, Aug. 26, 1999, p. 3.

10. Nicholas Rufford, ‘Cloak and Dagger Ltd: Former spies of the Cold War era engage in industrial espionage’, Management Today, Feb. 1, 1999, p. 9.

11. Chittenden and Rufford, ‘MI6 ‘firm’ spied on green groups’, and

12. The Canadian Security Intelligence Service, ‘Anti-Globalization—A Spreading Phenomenon’, report #2000/08, Aug. 22, 2000; see ‘Other Documents’ section at

13. Naomi Klein, ‘Will Cops Ruin the Next Anti-Globalization Protests in Quebec?’ Aug. 30, 2000, Globe and Mail, Sept. 5, 2000, at

14. Intelligence Newsletter also pointed to the latest focus of the Regional Information Sharing System, originally set up to counter organized crime, drugs and terrorism: "The RISS also act against any political activist group deemed to be a threat and over the last year has found itself focusing on anti-globalization groups." One of the six RISS centres, the Mid-Atlantic Network, whose region includes New York and Washington, is supposedly particularly efficient at spying on activists. Unfortunately there are no other sources to confirm these activities by RISS.

15. Abby Scher, ‘The Crackdown on Dissent’, The Nation, Jan. 30, 2001. I relied on this article for the summarized information on CoIntelPro. In Dutch, also see Eveline Lubbers, ‘CoIntelPro: Inbraken, dreigbrieven en brandstichting’, Konfrontatie, July 1992.

16. Examples of such collections are Jim Redden, ‘Police State targets the Left’, April 17, 2000, widely published on the internet, and Paul Rosenberg, ‘The Empire Strikes Back’, or

17. Ross Gelbspan, Break-ins, Death Threats and the FBI: The Covert War Against the Central America Movement (Boston: South End Press, 1991); also see Brian Glick, War at Home: Covert Action Against US Activists and What We Can Do About It (Boston: South End Press, 1989). For documentation on COINTELPRO released in September 2001 under the Freedom of Information Act, see ‘News Briefs’ section at and ‘Cointelpro’ section at

18. Louis J. Freeh (director of the FBI), Congressional Statement on the Threat of Terrorism to the United States before the United States Senate Committees on Appropriations, Armed Services and Select Committee on Intelligence, May 10, 2001, full text at; PB Floyd Slingshot, ‘Is Dancing Terrorism?’ Urban75 Action News, July 1, 2001,

19. ‘Manipulating Anti-Globalization NGOs’, Intelligence Newsletter, Dec. 21, 2000; Roy Godson, Dirty Tricks or Trump Cards: US Covert Action and Counterintelligence, Transaction Publishers, Somerset, 2000 (updated version).

20. Strategic Forecasting, ‘WTO: Splinter Groups Breed as Activists Fracture’, Nov. 8, 2001; abbreviated version in the archive at (easiest to find in a Google search); full text widely published on the internet.


Chapter 14: Investigating and Exposing
by Nicky Hager

1. Nicky Hager and Bob Burton, Secrets and Lies: The Anatomy of an Anti-Environmental PR Campaign (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 1999).

Chapter 15: Digging up Astroturf
by Claudia Peter

1. See

2. The Center for Media and Democracy, at

3. Interview with Mark Green of the New York Consumer Affairs Commission, Advertising Age, June 29, 1992, p. 8.

4. Telephone interview with Manfred Geisler-Hansson, Feb. 2, 1993.

5. Waste Watchers, ‘Abfallpolitik des BUND—Anspruch und Wirklichkeit’, June 1994.

6. ‘Waste Watchers Warn of BUND Environmental Policy’, press release, June 15, 1994.

7. Waste Watchers advertisement in BUND newsletter, April 1994.

8. Waste Watchers newsletter, October 1992.

9. Signatures in ‘Satzung der Waste Watchers’, 1992, p. 14.

10. Claudia Peter/Hans-Joachim Kursawa-Stucke, Deckmantel Ökologie. Tarnorganisationen der Industrie missbrauchen das Umweltbewusstsein der Bürger, (Munich: Droemer-Knaur, 1995).

11. ‘Glaubt den Narren nicht. Deutsche Industrie unterwandert Umweltbewegung’, Der Spiegel, Vol. 1995, No. 35, pp. 82-84.

12. Articles in Ebersberger Neueste Nachrichten and personal communications with Mayor Peter Dingler.

13. Michael Franken, ‘Windpark—Gefahr für Leib und Seele?’, Die Tageszeitung, July 2, 1998, p. 18.

14. Michael Franken et al., Rauher Wind. Der organisierte Widerstand gegen die Windkraft (Aachen, Germany: Alano-Herodot-Verlag, 1998), p. 137.

15. Franken et al., Rauher Wind, p. 42.

16. Today both companies have been subsumed into EON, whose core business is still energy, both conventional and nuclear.

17. Interview with Franken.

18. Michael Franken, ‘Fast erstunken und erlogen’,


20. Email from Greenpeace spokesperson Almut Ibler, Nov. 5, 2000.

21. Interview with Franken.

22. Ibid.


Chapter 16: Obstructing the Mainstream: Lessons from Seattle
by Kees Hudig

1. Seattle (WTO, November 1999), Washington (IMF/World Bank, April 2000), Prague (IMF/World Bank, September 2000), Melbourne (WEF, September 2000), Nice (EU, December 2000) or Davos (WEF, January 2001).

2. In Washington, it was called the Coalition for Global Justice ( One background site is

3. For a list of indymedia centres see


5. See, for example, the list of Britain’s WDM, which summarizes 50 anti-IMF actions of 1999 and 2000, at


Chapter 17: Communication Guerrillas: Using the Language of Power
by autonome a.f.r.i.k.a. gruppe

1. autonome a.f.r.i.k.a. gruppe, Luther Blissett and Sonja Brünzels, Handbuch der Kommunikations Guerrilla (Hamburg, Göttingen and Berlin: VLA/Schwarze Risse/Rote Strasse, 1998). See

2. Gareth Branwyn, Jamming the Media: A Citizen’s Guide (San Francisco: Chronicle Books, 1997); Mark Dery, Culture Jamming: Hacking, Slashing, and Sniping in the Empire of Signs (Westfield, New Jersey: Open Magazine Pamphlet Series, 1993).

3. Slavoj Zizek, The Sublime Object of Ideology (London: Verso, 1989).

4. See, and for the flyer see

5. Theatre performed in public, without making clear to the audience that what it is watching is theatre.

6. Rhea Wessel, ‘Lufthansa Agrees to Change Policy On Deportees After Tragic Death’, The Wall Street Journal, Jan. 29, 2001.

7. Guy Debord, ‘The Situationists and the New Forms of Action in Politics and Art’, Internationale Situationniste, No. 8, 1963 (English translation at

8. Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992).

9. The production of an urban architecture designed to exhibit, sell and produce cultural symbols to attract investors, merging the spheres of consumption and entertainment. See Klaus Ronneberger, ‘Symbolische Ökonomie und Raumprofite: Der Umbau der Städte zu Konsumfestungen’, in Hedwig Saxenhuber and Georg Schöllhammer, eds., Ortsbezug: Konstruktion oder Prozess? Materialien, Recherchen und Projekte im Problemfeld ‘Öffentliche Kunst’ (Vienna: edition selene, 1998), p. 11.

10. See Hakim Bey, T.A.Z.: The Temporary Autonomous Zone, Ontological Anarchy, Poetic Terrorism (New York: Autonomedia, 1991). See also ‘Hakim Bey’ at

11. ‘Blagging’ is a British slang term that means something like ‘scamming’, or getting something for nothing.

12. The events of Sept. 11, 2001 had not yet taken place when this chapter was being written.


Chapter 19: Net.activism
by Eveline Lubbers

1. Edited part of a winter 2001 email exchange between Chris Carter, Ricardo Dominguez, Geert Lovink, Margaret Quan and Bruce Simon.

2. See ‘op Internet’ section at

3. Erik Wesselius, ‘Liberalization of Trade in Services: Corporate Power at Work’, GATSwatch research paper, October 2001, at The minutes are also available on this site.

4. ‘Troubled Water’,

5. Held in Melbourne Sept. 11-13, 2000, just days before the Olympics.

6. See and ‘Insanex vs. Europabio’, Corporate Europe Observer, No. 8, April 2001,

7. Days before the start of its November 2001 trade rounds in Qatar, the WTO tried to shut down the domain for copyright violations. To counter the attack, the Yes Men released a piece of open source ‘parodyware’ which their spokesperson Elaine Peabody says will "forever make this kind of censorship obsolete". The software, called "Yes I Will!" automatically duplicates websites as needed, changing words and images as the user desires, with results that can be telling. For instance, the WTO site can be made to speak of "consumers" and "companies" rather than "citizens" and "countries". Unleashed on the website, the software can simplify the reporting even further by referring to Bush as "Leader" and the war in Afghanistan as one between "Good" and "Evil". The parody site updates itself automatically as the target website changes. "The idea is to insure that even if they shut down our website, hundreds of others will continue our work of translation," said Peabody. "The more they try to fight it, the funnier they’re going to look."#

8. Barnaby J. Feder, ‘The Long and Winding Cyberhoax: Political Theater on the Web’, The New York Times, Jan. 7, 2001.

9. and Feder, ‘The Long and Winding Cyberhoax’.

10. ‘Anti-WTO activists turn to hacktivism’, Salon (, Feb. 9. 2001.

11. Net.activism should not be confused with hacktivism or media activism: though these concepts all deal with similar activities, they differ slightly. Hirsch defines hacktivism as "social activism augmented by an advanced literacy of communication environments".

12. Jesse Hirsch, ‘Thoughts on Hacktivism: Post-Y2K’, Jan 5, 2000,

13. Hirsch, ‘Thoughts on Hacktivism: Post-Y2K’.

14. See

15. See

16. See

17. See

18. Of course one can have doubts about the effectiveness of the consensus decisionmaking model within the IMC structure, which has been delaying the growth of the network for some time. Or one might point out the unmoderated and rather one-sided news diarrhoea that the IMC network generates as fast as its counterpart CNN. But these might be just the growing pains of something truly beautiful.

19. For pictures see ‘Actions’ section at

20. make-world, Munich, October 2001,

21. Paul Festa, ‘Google, Others Dig Deep—Maybe Too Deep’, Nov. 26, 2001, CNET News, Google can find files including Adobe PostScript; Lotus 1-2-3 and WordPro; MacWrite; Microsoft Excel, PowerPoint, Word, Works and Write; and the RichText Format.

22. Tempest for Eliza can be found at; there is discussion about it on For more on Tempest see or (in Dutch)

23. Lincoln Hoewing, ‘Using the Internet in a Corporate Public Affairs Office’, Public Affairs Council Report, Washington DC, 2000, p. 15.


Schone schijn
BBB book